Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Crenshaw, M., & Robinson, K. (2025). Mapping Militants Project. Rice University. https://doi.org/10.25613/G0K4-WF70
Mapping Militants Project. “Hezbollah.” Last modified January 30, 2026. https://mappingmilitants.org/node/393/
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
According to Hezbollah’s 1985 manifesto, its original goals were to destroy Israel, expel Western influences from Lebanon and the wider Middle East, and combat its enemies within Lebanon, particularly the Christian Phalange Party. The group would “permit” Lebanese people to choose their own government, with the caveat that “only an Islamic regime can stop any further tentative attempts of imperialistic infiltration into [the] county.” [210] The group deemed the international system and the 1985 Lebanese government to be subject to imperial influences and hostile to Islam, and it denied Israel’s right to exist.[211] As Hezbollah’s constituency broadened to include more moderate Shiites, organization leaders like Hassan Nasrallah and Naim Qassem suggested that the manifesto was becoming more disconnected from the group’s operations and goals.[212]
In the early 1990s, Hezbollah transformed from a non-state revolutionary group to a hybrid state actor, employing both political and violent means to achieve its goals. Hezbollah began to consider the established Lebanese political system an appropriate channel through which to gain influence. Today, Hezbollah’s activities and structure encompass many state-like characteristics.[213]
A new 2009 manifesto reflected shifts in Hezbollah’s ideology since 1985. The 2009 manifesto emphasized national unity, denounced sectarianism, and did not single out Islamic governance as the only option for Lebanon’s future. However, the group still sought to liberate Palestine, oppose the United States, and fight Israeli “expansion and aggression.”[214]
In 2011, the group vocally supported many of the Arab Spring uprisings.[215] In Syria, however, Hezbollah also aimed to protect the Assad regime, one of its key allies. The group sent troops to support the Assad government in Syria and expel extremist Sunni militias from the country.[216] In 2016, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah vowed to continue the group’s military support of the Assad regime until it regained control of Syria.[217]
In January 2020, Nasrallah called for “just retribution” for the U.S. killing of Qassem Soleimani. He declared that the American military presence in the Middle East must end and warned that U.S. soldiers would return in coffins.[218]
Following the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, Nasrallah issued a statement praising Hamas and other Palestinian factions who joined in the assault. He reaffirmed Hezbollah’s support for resistance and the goal of complete victory and liberation for Palestine.[219]
Hezbollah is active in Lebanese politics as a political party known as the Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc. The party was formed following the 1989 Taif Agreement, which ended the Lebanese Civil War. Previously, Hezbollah used the media to participate in national political discourse. In 1984, the group began publishing a weekly newspaper, al-Ahad, and started broadcasting from two radio stations soon thereafter. In 1989, Hezbollah created its own television station, al-Manar. These media outlets published political commentary, news, cultural and Islamic programs, and propaganda associated with the organization’s fight against Israel and Western forces.[220]
After the 1989 Taif Agreement, Hezbollah militants had extensive internal debates about whether to enter the Lebanese political system. The organization eventually created a party that would act within the Lebanese political system but would also employ violence and the threat of violence as a tool in its political dealings. It ran in national parliamentary elections for the first time in 1992 and won eight seats.[221] Hezbollah also participated in the 1996, 2000, 2005, 2009, and 2018 national elections. The party focused largely on nonreligious themes, but Hezbollah members are required to support the party.[222]
In December 2006, Hezbollah led an opposition sit-in that resulted in eighteen months of political deadlock.[223] Tensions between Hezbollah and the Lebanese government escalated again in May 2008 and fighting broke out due to the government’s decision to dismantle the group’s private telecommunications network. Hezbollah briefly seized parts of the capital, raising fears of a coup. [224] These tensions were defused when the Arab League brokered the Doha Agreement, which granted Hezbollah veto power in the government and pledged that no political group would use weapons for domestic disputes. Hezbollah and the Amal Movement also formed the March 8 Alliance, a coalition of primarily Shiite and pro-Syrian parties, through which Hezbollah maintained a minority presence in parliament until the alliance collapsed in 2013.[225]
Hezbollah supported some Arab Spring movements but opposed the uprisings in Syria. Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was a critical ally and supporter of Hezbollah. His fall subsequently would jeopardize Hezbollah’s power and security in the region, as well as weaken Hezbollah’s geographical access to Iran.[226] Hezbollah heavily invested in the Syrian civil war, sending nearly ten thousand troops and training dozens of Shia militias to fight against Syrian opposition forces.
In 2018, the March 8 Alliance emerged victorious from the Lebanese general election. The coalition – which included Hezbollah, the Shia Amal Movement, the Maronite Christian Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), and allied parties – won 68 of 128 seats in parliament. Hezbollah itself secured 13 of the 68 coalition seats, neither gaining nor losing any seats won in the previous election.[227] The coalition secured enough seats to ensure a majority. The election notably weakened the U.S.-backed prime minister, Saad Hariri, and his supporters.[228]
In the 2018 elections, Hezbollah also gained control of three of the 30 ministries in the Lebanese government, including the Ministry of Health.[229] In February 2019, U.S. officials warned that Hezbollah could exploit these ministries to funnel money or undertake terrorist activity throughout the region.[230]
After 2019, the United States pressured other countries to designate Hezbollah’s political wing as a terrorist organization, which the United Kingdom did in February 2019.[231] In July 2019, the U.S. Treasury added two top Hezbollah political leaders to its list of sanctioned individuals, the first instance the United States had designated a member of Lebanon’s government on a terrorist sanctions list.[232]
In January 2019, Prime Minister Saad Hariri formed a national unity government after nine months of negotiations.[233] Hezbollah and its allies secured 19 of 30 ministries, and a Shiite ally was appointed minister of public health.[234] In October 2019, nationwide protests erupted over a proposed WhatsApp tax, economic decline, and frustration with Lebanon’s sectarian political system. The demonstrations evolved into a broader anti-establishment movement.[235] Clashes occurred between protesters and Hezbollah supporters, prompting security forces to intervene.[236] On October 29, 2019, Prime Minister Hariri resigned, after nearly two weeks of unrest. Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, both part of Hariri’s coalition, opposed his resignation.[237]
In December 2019, Hezbollah and its allies nominated Hassan Diab as prime minister.[238] His appointment triggered renewed protests over perceptions that it reinforced the sectarian political system.[239] In January 2020, Prime Minister Diab formed a 20-member cabinet. It was the first government fully backed by Hezbollah and its allies. Hezbollah nominated Hamad Hasan as minister of public health and Imad Hoballah as minister of industry.[240]
On August 4, 2020, a massive explosion at the Port of Beirut killed over 220 people and displaced thousands.[241] Critics accused Hezbollah of exercising influence at the port and alleged it attempted to limit the judicial investigation.[242] On August 10, 2020, Prime Minister Hassan Diab resigned.[243] In September 2021, Prime Minister Najib Mikati formed a 24-member cabinet after more than a year without a fully functioning government. Hezbollah and its March 8 Alliance allies secured 16 ministerial portfolios, including public works, transport and labor.[244]
In May 2022, Lebanon held parliamentary elections amid rising public dissatisfaction. Hezbollah and its allies won 62 seats, falling short of a parliamentary majority. Voters elected more than a dozen independent candidates. The results reflected widespread dissatisfaction with the political establishment. Hezbollah retained its 13 seats, and ally Nabih Berri was re-elected as speaker of parliament.[245] In June 2022, the Special Tribunal for Lebanon sentenced Hezbollah members Hassan Habib Merhi and Hussein Hassan Oneissi to life imprisonment in absentia for their role in the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.[246]
In October 2022, President Michel Aoun completed his six-year term without a successor. Parliament failed to elect a new president, and a caretaker government assumed responsibility.[247] Hezbollah and its March 8 Alliance allies boycotted sessions and cast blank ballots, preventing a quorum.[248] By October 2023, Lebanon remained without a president after 12 failed voting rounds, prolonging the political deadlock.[249]
In January 2024, Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah called for border delimitation talks with Israel, including the Shebaa Farms area. Nasrallah made the negotiations conditional on a Gaza ceasefire.[250] In July 2024, Nasrallah confirmed that Hezbollah would stop attacking Israel if a ceasefire in Gaza was reached.[251] Between June and August 2024, U.S. Special Envoy Amos Hochstein mediated between Lebanon and Israel to ease cross-border tensions. In Beirut, Hochstein met with Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, who had Hezbollah’s support to negotiate[252] On September 25, 2024, the United States, European Union, Qatar, and other international actors proposed a 21-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon.[253] Hassan Nasrallah privately indicated support for the ceasefire to the Lebanese foreign minister. However, the group’s position was not formally shared with the U.S. officials.[254]
Nasrallah was assassinated by Israel on September 27. A 60-day ceasefire was proposed in late October.[255] In November 2024, U.S. Special Envoy Amos Hochstein returned to the Middle East to finalize a ceasefire framework between Israel and Lebanon. In Beirut, Hochstein joined the meeting with Speaker Nabih Berri.[256] On November 26, President Joe Biden announced that Israel and Hezbollah had reached a ceasefire agreement, which took effect the following day.[257]
Prime Minister Najib Mikati called for unity in Lebanon, expressing hope for a “new page” after the ceasefire.[258] In January 2025, Lebanon’s parliament elected Joseph Aoun as president, ending a two-year leadership vacuum.[259] Aoun pledged to extend Lebanese state authority throughout the south, signaling his intention to confront Hezbollah’s weapons.[260] On 13 January, Aoun appointed Nawaf Salam as prime minister, a decision that Hezbollah opposed. Middle East experts interpreted Salam’s appointment as a sign of the group’s weakened position following the death of Hassan Nasrallah.[261] In April, Aoun declared that weapons in Lebanon would remain only in the hands of the state and that Hezbollah’s disarmament would proceed through dialogue rather than force.[262] A senior Hezbollah official indicated a willingness to discuss disarmament with Aoun if Israel withdrew from five southern hilltops and ended cross-border strikes.[263] Hezbollah’s limited cooperation was reportedly motivated by the need to preserve domestic political support and to avoid harsher international sanctions.[264]
In July 2025, Qassem warned that Hezbollah would not surrender its weapons or accept normalization with Israel. He accused the United States and Arab states of pressuring Lebanon’s leadership to disarm the group.[265] Lebanon’s Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri criticized the United States’ push to disarm Hezbollah and instead called for a national dialogue to decide the fate of its weapons.[266]
On September 19, 2025, Secretary-General Naim Qassem called on Saudi Arabia to “turn a new page” to form a unified front against Israel, amid growing pressure on Lebanon to disarm Hezbollah.[267] Hezbollah has publicly committed to the ceasefire—not a formal signatory. Its fighters began withdrawing from southern Lebanon. Supported by a UN observer force, the Lebanese Army reported removing 90 percent of Hezbollah’s weapons from southern Lebanon. Hezbollah did not obstruct Lebanese Army efforts to locate and confiscate its weapons caches. However, it insists that the disarmament provisions apply only to southern Lebanon.[268]
Israeli and U.S. officials stated that Hezbollah is rebuilding military capabilities that threaten Israel’s security and undermine the ceasefire. Hezbollah denies rebuilding its military infrastructure in southern Lebanon and states that it remains committed to the ceasefire, noting that it has not fired on Israel since the agreement took effect.[269] On January 8, 2026, Lebanon announced the completion of the first phase of the disarmament of Hezbollah and other armed groups in southern Lebanon. Israel responded that the progress was “far from sufficient,” citing renewed concerns that the ceasefire could unravel.[270] On January 14, 2026, a senior Hezbollah official warned that extending disarmament efforts beyond southern Lebanon could trigger chaos or civil war and refused to relinquish its arsenal elsewhere.[271] Progress outside the south remains uncertain. The Lebanese Army acts cautiously to manage tensions and allow time for political agreement on the group’s arsenal in other parts of the country.[272]
Hezbollah’s tactics have evolved since its creation. Beginning in the 1980s, the group commonly kidnapped foreigners and locals as leverage to bargain with the West and Israel.[273] Other forms of violent attacks against Israel during the occupation of Lebanon were largely limited to military targets.[274] In the 1980s and 1990s, Hezbollah engaged in large-scale attacks on Western and Israeli targets, which resulted in hundreds of casualties and drew attention to the group. In recent years, Hezbollah has developed elements of a more traditional military force, though it still engages in acts of terrorism. The group demonstrated its capabilities as a high functioning military in the Syrian civil war.[275]
After the 2000 Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, an extensive internal debate reportedly took place within Hezbollah concerning whether to focus on Lebanese politics at the expense of countering Israel. Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah reportedly consulted with Iranian Ayatollah Khamenei on the decision. The group chose to continue carrying out attacks against Israeli military targets. Between 2000 and 2006, Hezbollah attacks along the “Blue Line” and in contested farming areas in the south killed seventeen Israeli soldiers and one Israeli civilian.[276]
Hezbollah’s focus on Israel diminished during the Syrian civil war, and the group used its resources to train Syrian militias and fight for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. In 2019, Hezbollah turned its attention back to Israel and began preparing for future conflict. The group began setting up cells and recruiting militants in the Syrian Golan Heights.[277] Later that year, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) discovered systems of underground tunnels enabling Hezbollah militants to enter Israel undetected.[278] In 2019, Secretary-General Nasrallah announced that Hezbollah’s missile capabilities were advanced enough to reach any Israeli town or city.[279]
Hezbollah’s involvement in the Syrian war provided it with access to advanced capabilities and operational competencies, which allowed Hezbollah to adopt tactics commonly used by conventional militaries while maintaining asymmetric strategies.[280] Hezbollah was widely regarded as one of the most heavily armed non-state actors in the world, with an estimated arsenal of 120,000 to 200,000 rockets and missiles. The group developed the ability to conduct coordinated maneuvers, employ suppressive artillery, and manage logistics for complex operations.[281] Most of its stockpiles consisted of short-range, unguided projectiles, with expanded access to longer-range missiles after 2006. The group also maintained a diverse fleet of unmanned aerial systems (UASs). The UASs included commercial quadcopters, loitering munitions, suicide drones, and advanced surveillance-strike platforms.[282]
After 2019, Hezbollah increasingly targeted Israel, embedding its operations within the broader framework of Iran’s “Axis of Resistance.” Its primary targets included Israel Defense Forces (IDF) observation posts, surveillance and reconnaissance systems, air-defense installations, and forward operating bases along the Lebanon–Israel border. Hezbollah aimed to deter a large-scale Israeli ground invasion, prepare for a prolonged war of attrition, and maintain multi-front pressure alongside regional allies within the Axis of Resistance[283]
Following October 7, 2023, Hezbollah escalated near-daily cross-border strikes from southern Lebanon into northern Israel.[284] The group attempted at least 40 UAS attacks against Israeli targets. Several of the attacks breached Israeli air defense systems, killing IDF soldiers and damaging military infrastructure.[285] On March 4, 2024, Hezbollah coordinated with Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad to launch simultaneous rocket attacks against Israel. Between October 2023, and October 2024, Hezbollah and allied groups fired approximately 12,400 projectiles from Lebanon into Israel, killing at least 30 civilians.[286]
Hezbollah demonstrated its ability to strike deeper inside Israel.[287] From September to November 2024, the group launched rocket salvos and drone strikes beyond the designated “evacuation zone” along the border. Several of these strikes hit populated civilian areas, killing at least 15 civilians and causing widespread destruction to residential buildings, orchards, schools, and other civilian infrastructure in northern Israel.[288]
However, Hezbollah suffered some of the heaviest casualties in its history during the war in Gaza. Hezbollah’s current weapons holdings are uncertain. Its rearmament is hindered by the breakdown of its regional backing like Syria and Iran. An internal estimate indicated that the group might have lost up to 4,000 fighters during fourteen months of hostilities.[289] The attrition of Hezbollah’s senior leadership left major gaps in its command structure.[290] Israeli airstrikes destroyed and damaged bases, tunnels, weapons depots, and fortifications across southern Lebanon. Strikes on the Syrian border disrupted Hezbollah’s arms supply.[291] The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) reported confiscating more than 155,000 weapons and pieces of military equipment. Israel captured more than 13,000 anti-tank missile launchers, rockets, and anti-aircraft missiles and over 121,000 communication devices, computers, electronic equipment, and documents.[292] Hezbollah’s current weapons holdings are uncertain. Its rearmament to the same extent is hindered by the breakdown of regional backing from Iran and Syria. [293]
As of 2023, beyond Israel, Hezbollah expanded its reach by recruiting individuals who are neither Shia nor Lebanese to plan attacks abroad. In November 2023, Brazilian officials arrested three nationals accused of planning attacks on the Israeli Embassy in Brasília and several local synagogues. Investigations revealed ties to Hezbollah facilitators embedded within diaspora networks. These included Mohamed Khir Abdulmajid, a Syrian-Brazilian national, and Haissam Houssim Diab, a Lebanese-Brazilian national, both allegedly involved in recruiting Brazilian nationals to participate in the planned attacks.[294] In December 2023, authorities disrupted a planned attack on the Jewish Pan-American Maccabiah Games in Buenos Aires. The attack reportedly involved operatives linked to Hezbollah who were recruited from outside traditional Lebanese diaspora networks.[295]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
Hezbollah is known for its attention-grabbing attacks worldwide, many of which are listed below. However, authorities have foiled a number of Hezbollah operations. A plan to attack the Israeli Embassy in Azerbaijan was stopped before it reached fruition, as was a 2008 plan to target Israeli tourists and ships in the Suez Canal. Other disrupted plots may be unknown to the public.[296]
November 1982: Hezbollah member Ahmad Qasir carried out a truck bombing against an Israeli headquarters in Tyre, killing at least 75 Israelis and fourteen Arab prisoners (89+ killed, unknown wounded).[297]
April 19, 1983: A suicide bombing on the U.S. Embassy in Beirut killed 63 people. The attack was attributed to militants of the Islamic Jihad, an early alias of Hezbollah (63 killed, unknown wounded).[298]
October 23, 1983: Hezbollah carried out suicide bombings on U.S. and French military barracks in Beirut, killing 241 U.S. Marines and 58 French servicemen. Despite no claim of responsibility, the attack is widely attributed to Hezbollah and prompted the U.S. to withdraw its Marines from Lebanon (299 killed, unknown wounded).[299]
June 14, 1985: Hezbollah members hijacked TWA flight 847, holding hostages for weeks. The group killed one hostage before ultimately freed the rest in exchange for the release of 300 Lebanese prisoners in Israel (1 killed, unknown wounded).[300]
March 17, 1992: Hezbollah operatives carried out a truck bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires, Argentina, killing twenty-nine and wounding 242 (29 killed, 242 wounded).[301]
July 18, 1994; Hezbollah was implicated in the bombing of the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 200. The group denied responsibility (85 killed, 200+ wounded).[302]
June 25, 1996: Hezbollah bombed the American Khobar Towers housing complex in Saudi Arabia, killing 19 (19 killed, unknown wounded).[303]
February 14, 2005: In 2011, the United Nations Special Tribunal for Lebanon indicted four members of Hezbollah for the February 2005 car bomb assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri. The attack also killed 20 others (21 killed, unknown wounded).[304]
July 12, 2006: Hezbollah kidnapped two Israeli soldiers and killed eight more, sparking a month-long war with Israel (8 killed, unknown wounded).[305]
January 2007: In January 2007, a Shia militant group attacked the Karbala Provincial Joint Coordination Center in Iraq, killing five American soldiers. The United States claims that Hezbollah helped plan and provide resources for the attack (5 killed, unknown wounded).[306]
May 2008: Hezbollah seized parts of Beirut after the government called for the group to disarm, triggering street clashes that left over 60 dead. The subsequent agreement granted Hezbollah veto power in the national cabinet (60 killed, unknown wounded).[307]
May 2011: Hezbollah carried out two attacks against United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon in late May 2011 (0 killed, 11 wounded).[308]
July 18, 2012: Hezbollah’s international wing bombed an Israeli tour bus in Bulgaria, killing five Israelis and the Bulgarian bus driver. This was the first successful attack in a campaign to increase global operations beginning around 2008. Hezbollah has denied responsibility for the bombing (6 killed, unknown wounded).[309]
May 29, 2013: Hezbollah collaborated with and led Syrian Army forces in an attack on al-Qusayr, a rebel stronghold. The operation marked Hezbollah’s first major involvement in the Syrian civil war and a shift in control as Syrian government forces regained key strategic territory (casualties unknown).[310]
January 28, 2015: Hezbollah fired anti-tank missiles at Israeli soldiers in the disputed Har Dov area between Lebanon and Syria, killing two. In a separate border incident on the same day between Israel and Hezbollah, a United Nations Interim Force member was killed (3 killed, 7+ wounded).[311]
May–June 2015: In late May, Hezbollah forces fought Jabhat al-Nusra and Islamic State across the Qalamoun Mountains in western Syria. By early June, Hezbollah had recaptured much of the range and reopened a route from Lebanon into Syria (casualties unknown).[312]
April 2, 2016: Hezbollah and Syrian government forces clashed with Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham, and Free Syrian Army rebels troops near Tal al-Ais outside Aleppo; 8 Hezbollah fighters, 25 pro-Assad troops, and 18 rebels were killed (51 killed, unknown wounded).[313]
November 2017: Hezbollah led an offensive against the Islamic State in Syria’s Deir Ezzor province, inflicting heavy civilian casualties. Hezbollah fought alongside Iran-sponsored Iraqi Shia militias supported by Russian air strikes (50+ killed, unknown wounded).[314]
February-April 2018: Hezbollah and Syrian forces launched an assault on Ghouta, Syria, deploying at least 3,000 Hezbollah fighters; around 100 were killed. By March 2018, at least 1,100 civilians had also been killed (1,200+ killed, unknown wounded).[315]
June 2018: A senior Hezbollah field officer executed 23 Syrian soldiers near Hirbat Ghazala after they refused to cross “Death Bridge,” where they would have been vulnerable to rebel fire (23 killed, 0 wounded).[316]
September 2019: Hezbollah militants fired anti-tank missiles at an Israeli military base in northern Israel in retaliation for attacks on its members in Syria (no casualties).[317]
August 25, 2020: Hezbollah snipers fired at Israeli troops across the Lebanon–Israel border, allegedly using United Nations peacekeepers’ positions for cover; Israel retaliated the next day with strikes on Hezbollah observation posts in Lebanon (0 killed, 0 wounded).[318]
August 6, 2021: Hezbollah fired a barrage of rockets toward Israel in the disputed Shebaa Farms area in retaliation for Israeli airstrikes the previous day. Israel responded with artillery fire in an escalation between the two sides (no casualties).[319]
July 12, 2023: On the 17th anniversary of the Second Lebanon War, about four Hezbollah members detonated explosives at the security fence between Lebanon and Israel. The attempt failed to breach the fence. At least 3 Hezbollah members were wounded, with the cause unspecified (0 killed, 3+ wounded).[320]
October 8–9, 2023: Hezbollah fired missiles and anti-tank rockets at three Israeli military positions in the Shebaa Farms in support of the Palestinian people.[321] The following day, Hezbollah targeted two Israeli barracks with guided missiles and mortar shells. The two-day attacks killed 4 Israeli civilians and 9 Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers (13 killed, unknown wounded).[322]
November 12, 2023: Hezbollah launched anti-tank missiles and mortar shells in Manara and Dovev, northern Israel.[323] The attacks killed one Israel Electric Corporation employee and injured 21 others, including 7 IDF soldiers (1 killed, 21 wounded).[324]
May 15, 2024: Hezbollah struck a military post near Tiberias in northern Israel by using a drone that fired two missiles. Three IDF soldiers were wounded. It marked Hezbollah’s use of new and more advanced weaponry in its clash with Israel (0 killed, 3 wounded).[325]
June 12, 2024: Hezbollah fired more than 200 rockets at northern Israel in response to an Israeli strike the previous day that killed senior commander Taleb Abdullah. It was one of its largest attacks since October 2023 (no casualties).[326]
June 30, 2024: Hezbollah launched a drone attack in the northern Golan Heights, wounding at least 18 IDF soldiers. Hezbollah later stated that it had bombed the headquarters of Israel’s 91st Brigade in northern Israel (0 killed, +18 wounded).[327]
July 27, 2024: A rocket launched from Lebanon struck a soccer field in the Druze town of Majdal Shams in Israel’s Golan Heights. It killed at least 12 people and wounded more than 30 between the ages of 10 and 20.[328] Hezbollah claimed responsibility for firing rockets at a nearby Israeli base but denied involvement in the soccer field strike (12 killed, 30+ wounded).[329]
August 25, 2024: Hezbollah launched around 230 rockets and 20 drones at Israel after Israel struck Lebanon to prevent a larger attack by Hezbollah. It marked one of the most intense clashes since October 2023.[330] An Israeli Navy soldier was killed, 2 Israeli soldiers were wounded, and 3 Hezbollah fighters were killed. Hezbollah claimed the attack was a reprisal for the assassination of senior commander Fuad Shukr in July (4 killed, 2 wounded).[331]
September 18, 2024: Hezbollah fired at least 20 rockets toward Kiryat Shmona, northern Israel. The attacks came a day after hundreds of pagers and walkie-talkies used by Hezbollah exploded simultaneously across Lebanon and Syria; Israel was reportedly behind the attack. It marked a “new era” of war (no casualties).[332]
October 19, 2024: A drone strike claimed by Hezbollah damaged the beachside home of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Caesarea (no casualties).[333]
October 22, 2024: Hezbollah fired at least 60 rockets at northern Israel. A drone infiltration triggered bomb shelter alerts for around one million Israelis. Two Israeli reservists were killed and three others wounded (2 killed, 3 wounded).[334]
December 2, 2024: Hezbollah fired a volley of projectiles at Mount Dov in northern Israel, calling it a “warning” over alleged ceasefire violations.[335] Hezbollah fired a volley of projectiles at Mount Dov in northern Israel. Hezbollah stated that it was a “warning” over alleged ceasefire violations, and no casualties were reported (no casualties).[336]
The designations listed below largely focus on Hezbollah in its entirety, encompassing its military apparatus and its political wing, the Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc. Since 2019, international designations have expanded considerably. A wave of European, Latin American, and Asia-Pacific countries, listed below, designated Hezbollah in its entirety. The United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and Kosovo expanded their initial designations of Hezbollah’s military wing to encompass the group in its entirety.
It should also be noted that Lebanon does not consider Hezbollah to be a terrorist organization[337]
After World War II, Shia Muslims became a marginalized group in Lebanon. They bore the brunt of the struggle with Israel, suffered poor economic conditions, and traditionally wielded little political power.[372] The Lebanese government also regularly ignored civilian needs in the Shia-dominated south.[373] The state grew particularly ineffective as a service provider during the Lebanese Civil War. It was during this time that civil service organizations, including Hezbollah, developed a reputation for providing necessary services to Shiite Lebanese citizens.[374]
While the exact date Hezbollah first became involved in social services is not known, it earned a reputation as a movement of the poor early in the 1980s.[375] Hezbollah has been deeply engrained in Lebanese Shia society. It has used social outreach to cement the political support of the Shia community, recruit new members, and spread its interpretation of Islam.[376] Hezbollah has provided a number of social services throughout Lebanon, most of which have been concentrated in the south. The group has operated schools, clinics, and hospitals. It has also collected garbage, provided credit assistance, and delivered drinking water.[377] In 2006, it was estimated that Hezbollah’s schools assisted about 14,000 students.[378]
Hezbollah’s social services sector is composed of multiple non-governmental organizations (NGOs) grouped under three branches: the Social Unit, the Islamic Health Unit, and the Education Unit. The work of the Social Unit spans across a number of areas, from the construction of neighborhood infrastructure to the assistance of the families of killed Hezbollah militants. The Islamic Health Unit operates a number of hospitals, clinics, and social health programs. The Education Unit oversees schools and provides tuition scholarships to gifted students.[379]
Hezbollah also built local trust by providing humanitarian assistance in the wake of Israeli attacks. In southern Lebanon, Hezbollah provided social services, including Christian families returning to southern Beirut after 1985.[380] In 1996, the group claimed to have rebuilt 5,000 homes in 82 villages after an Israeli attack. After the 2006 war with Israel, the group suspended its military efforts to provide reconstruction and social services to Lebanese citizens. Hezbollah has often advertised their health services to the Lebanese population after an Israeli attack and has received heightened media coverage in turn.[381] While Hezbollah targets the Shia community with its services, the organization’s efforts also reach members of other Lebanese sects.[382]
Beyond Lebanon, Hezbollah leverages its diplomatic organization, the Foreign Relations Department (FRD), to maintain a semi-overt international presence and engage Shia diaspora communities worldwide.[383] The FRD facilitates Hezbollah’s ability to disseminate propaganda, recruit operatives, radicalize supporters, and establish.[384]
In South America and West Africa, the FRD has provided logistical and operational support to Hezbollah’s External Security Organization (ESO), the group’s militant wing. Through community centers serving Arab and Muslim populations, particularly in Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, and Venezuela.[385] FRD has replicated Hezbollah’s social welfare model overseas, mirroring the structures developed in Lebanon. These initiatives include establishing or affiliating with local mosques and clergy, facilitating schools aligned with Hezbollah’s educational framework, and supporting youth movements such as the Mahdi Scouts.[386]
A similar approach is observed in West Africa, particularly in the Ivory Coast. Some Lebanese community organizations, such as the Al-Ghadeer Association and the Al-Ghadeer Scouts, are reportedly affiliated with Hezbollah. These networks integrate schools, mosques, and social programs under Hezbollah’s ideological framework, enabling the organization to embed itself within diaspora communities and promote the Iranian-Shia model of governance and identity.[387]
Though its relations with the Shia population remained positive, Hezbollah’s participation in the Syrian Civil War worsened its relationship with Lebanon’s Sunni population. Many Lebanese Sunnis initially supported the Syrian opposition, most of which was composed of Sunni militias. Hezbollah’s support of the Assad regime caused many Lebanese Sunnis to turn away from Hezbollah. Some Sunnis near Tripoli adopted a radicalized, anti-Hezbollah agenda and mounted attacks in Hezbollah territory. The most of these attacks took place in November 2015 and resulted in the deaths of 43 people.[388]
The 2018 sanctions on Iran—Hezbollah’s primary patron— affected the group’s ability to serve the Lebanese population. The group froze all financing, merged several institutions, and closed hundreds of offices and apartments in Lebanon.[389] Hezbollah’s social services budget also decreased, following an early reduction in 2013. Although Hezbollah gained support from the community by providing social services, it had also been criticized by many in Lebanese society for its role in inciting Israeli attacks.[390]
Hezbollah reduced its involvement in Syria in 2019, partly due to growing domestic opposition in Lebanon to its role in the conflict.[391] Before the October 7 attacks, Hezbollah’s support among Shia communities was gradually declining.[392] Hezbollah’s prolonged involvement in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq diverted attention from the resistance to Israel, a central element of the group’s narrative. Lebanon’s worsening economic crisis further intensified public resentment, fueling mass anti-government protests and periodic clashes between Hezbollah supporters and opponents. Many Lebanese blamed Hezbollah for shielding a corrupt political class amid the deepening economic collapse. The war in Gaza has partially reversed this trend.[393]
Arab Barometer data in 2024 suggests that perceptions of Hezbollah's positive role in regional politics have risen by 9% since 2022. Support among Lebanese Shia remains consistently high at 78%, compared to 13% of Sunnis, 12% of Christians, and 16% of Druze. Importantly, the recent gains originate primarily from non-Shia communities, with increases of 10 points among Druze, 8 among Sunnis, and 7 among Christians. Analysts assess that this shift reflects sympathy for Hezbollah’s stance on Israel rather than a broader ideological alignment.[394]
Reportedly, Hezbollah reasserted its “resistance” credentials against Israel, consolidating its Shia base. Hezbollah has sought to broaden its influence beyond the Shia community through targeted outreach efforts. In Akkar, one of Lebanon’s largest and poorest Sunni regions, Hezbollah provided financial assistance, created employment opportunities, and offered social aid as part of a broader strategy to consolidate Hezbollah’s presence and influence among non-Shia communities.[395] Despite the group’s efforts, Hezbollah continues to lack broad popular support across Lebanon. Hezbollah’s role in engaging Israel from Lebanese territory has sparked mixed and polarizing reactions among the Lebanese public.[396]
Hezbollah has had a complicated relationship with Amal since it originally splintered from the group. As Hezbollah expanded, it came into direct competition and conflict with Amal. Whereas Amal operated as a secular and reformist organization, Hezbollah mirrored Iran’s model of clerical rule.[397] Amal also chose to cooperate with the Maronite and Sunni factions from northern Lebanon, while Hezbollah preferred to work outside the existing political system. Finally, whereas Amal received most of its funding from the Assad Regime in Syria, Hezbollah was financed by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and clashed with the Syrian-backed Christian and Sunni groups from northern Lebanon. Competing over the support of the southern Lebanon’s Shia population, Amal and Hezbollah came into direct conflict during the 1980s. The most prominent conflict arose in 1988 when they clashed over the kidnapping of U.S. Marine Lt. Colonel William R. Higgins, leading to a lasting feud between the two groups.[398]
The end of the Lebanese civil war shifted the nature of the relationship between Amal and Hezbollah. Amal surrendered its arms following the civil war, while Hezbollah remained the only armed Lebanese militia. This changed the relationship between the two groups; Hezbollah’s decision to remained armed allowed them to become the most important non-state actor in the region, passing Amal. Since the 1990s, the groups have often worked together in politics. For example, an Amal-Hezbollah bloc won all parliamentary seats in southern Lebanon in the 2000 national elections.[399] Although signs of traditional competition and rivalry remain between the two groups, necessary alliance and accommodation is required to face mutual political opponents.
Hezbollah has trained and assisted Palestinian terrorist organizations, including Al-Aqsa Martyrs and Hamas. Hezbollah has a special unit – Unit 1800, or the “Nun Unit” – solely responsible for supporting Palestinian militants.[400] It also maintains close ties with Hamas, providing financial support and military training to its armed branch. Some analysis claim that Hezbollah has acted as “a role model” for Hamas due to its own political success.[401] In 2019, Hezbollah financed a radio tower based in Hamas-controlled Gaza in 2019 with the power to broadcast into Israeli territory.[402] In June 2021, Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah hosted Ismail Haniyeh, the head of Hamas’s political bureau, in Beirut. The meeting was Haniyeh’s first visit to Lebanon in 27 years. The talks focused on coordination between Hezbollah and Hamas following the May 2021 conflict with Israel.[403] After Hamas’s assault on Israel on October 7, 2023, Hezbollah opened a front in the conflict. On 8 October, the group fired guided rockets and artillery at Israeli positions in the Shebaa Farms.[404] Hezbollah announced that the attacks were carried out in support of Hamas and in response to Israel’s retaliatory airstrikes on Gaza.[405] Following October 7, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and allied militias in Iraq and Syria launched attacks on Israel and U.S. forces in the Middle East.[406]
Hezbollah has had a troubled relationship with Sunni militant groups. In April 2006, Al Qaeda attempted to assassinate Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah because of his frequent condemnations AQ attacks.[407] In 2013, Hezbollah began sending fighters to Syria to assist Assad’s army in the fight against Sunni rebel groups, including the Islamic State, Ahrar al-Sham, Jabhat al-Nusra, and elements of the Free Syrian Army.[408]
In Iraq, Hezbollah has sustained relationships with several Shiite militant groups, including the Mahdi Army (now known as the Peace Brigades), the Dawa Party, and the Badr Organization.[409] These groups have significant experience training and cooperating with Hezbollah. Hezbollah was particularly instrumental in training the initial members of these groups following the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.[410] Hezbollah created Unit 3800 in 2003 with the purpose of supporting Iraqi Shiite militant groups targeting U.S. forces. According to U.S. intelligence, Unit 3800 sent personnel to Iraq with the purpose of training hundreds of Shia militants.[411] Hezbollah supplied the militants with funds and weapons. The Hezbollah sponsored groups were instrumental in planning several attacks in Iraq, including the 2007 attack on the Karbala Joint Coordination Center, which caused deaths of five Americans.[412]
After 2014, Hezbollah also became increasingly involved in the insurgency in Iraq, sending aid and military advisors to Iranian-backed Shiite paramilitaries. The two most prominent recipients of Hezbollah aid in Iraq were Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq (AAH) and Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH).[413] Hezbollah has helped finance and train both KH and AAH since their inception in the mid-2000s. Hezbollah also fought alongside AAH and KH militants in the Syrian civil war. [414] The U.S. killing of Qassem Soleimani in 2020 reshaped Hezbollah’s role in Iraq. Soleimani was a central figure to control Iran’s proxy network. Iran assigned Hezbollah to take on this role after his death.[415] Hezbollah has expanded its training of Iraqi militias to advanced tactics, urban warfare, and the use of sophisticated weapons. The group has also provided strategic guidance for attacks on U.S. and coalition forces. These operations involved strikes on bases and convoys.[416] At the political level, Hezbollah has increased its influence over pro-Iranian factions within the Iraqi government. The group has advocated for the withdrawal of the remaining 2,500 U.S. troops.[417]
After 2014, Unit 3800 was put to work in Yemen. Hezbollah militants helped the Houthis, a Shiite rebel group, conduct an insurgency against Yemen’s government. Hezbollah was initially involved in transferring funds and training insurgents and later sent militants to the region as the war progressed. [418] Houthi-affiliated radio stations in Yemen collected donations for Hezbollah in response to U.S. sanctions on Hezbollah and Iran, with some campaigns exceeding $132,000.[419]
In Bahrain, Hezbollah engages in covert activities supporting Shiite opposition groups. Reportedly, Hezbollah worked with Iran to form a Shiite militia known as al-Ashtar Brigades. Since its creation in 2013, al-Ashtar Brigades is suspected of carrying out more than 20 attacks against Bahraini security forces and police.[420]
Since Hezbollah’s formation, Iran, a key state sponsor, and its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) have played a large role in training, supplying, and funding the group.[421] The IRGC has trained thousands of Hezbollah militants; it has provided supplies.[422] The level of Iranian support has fluctuated over time. During its early period, Iranian support was generous under Ayatollah Khomeini, who is often credited with the Hezbollah’s inception; this support declined for a period following his death in 1989.[423] According to a 2005 report, Iran provided financial and material support to Hezbollah in the range of $100 million to $200 million per year.[424] In 2019, according to the U.S. State Department, Iran provided Hezbollah with an estimated $700 million annually.[425] In 2020, this figure declined due to the COVID-19 pandemic, reduced oil revenues, and U.S. sanctions imposed in 2018 targeting individuals linked to the IRGC. These sanctions disrupted Iran’s oil industry and diminished its ability to fund Hezbollah.[426] Iran’s financial support reportedly fell from $700 million to approximately $280 million per year.[427]
Since 2023, Iran’s efforts to establish strategic depth in the Middle East have faced severe setbacks. The war in Gaza altered Iran’s calculations and drew Iran into a direct confrontation with Israel. Simultaneously, the loss of regional allies undermined Iran’s ability to sustain Hezbollah as the core of its deterrence network. According to Middle East analysts, Iran’s ability to fund Hezbollah has come under increasing strain.[428] Hezbollah’s sustained clashes with Israel depleted its arsenal and forced Iran to divert resources at a time of economic weakness.[429] In October 2024, Iran’s Minister of Economic Affairs and Finance acknowledged a budget deficit of about $8 billion, underscoring the depth of the crisis.[430] Since 2024, U.S. maximum-pressure sanctions imposed by the Trump administration, Israeli strikes, nationwide unrest against the Islamic Republic’s government, and ongoing fiscal shortfalls constrained Iran’s ability to restore Hezbollah’s financial and operational capacity.[431] The fall of the Assad regime in late 2024 further cut off Iran’s land corridor to Lebanon, limiting its capacity to supply Hezbollah with weapons and financial assistance.[432]
Until the collapse of the Assad regime in 2024, Syria played a key role as an intermediary between Iran and Hezbollah. For years, Syria has been a critical corridor for Iranian weapons, advisors, and missile technology, while also providing bases for training and arms storage.[433] One of Hezbollah’s primary objectives in the Syrian civil war was to maintain Syrian territory as a corridor for Iranian weapons transfers. Syria also provided weapons directly to the group.[434] After Russia joined the Syrian civil war, the Syrian government provided Hezbollah with a number of advanced Russian-made anti-aircraft weapons. Among these systems were SA-17 Buk missile batteries, which can directly target Israeli aircraft operating over northern Israel and Syria.[435]
In November 2018, the U.S. Treasury Department revealed that Hezbollah officials, Iranian operatives, the Central Bank of Syria, and Russian companies collaborated to illegally deliver millions of barrels of Iranian oil to the Assad regime in Syria. This operation enabled the IRGC to transfer hundreds of millions of U.S. dollars to fund both Hamas and Hezbollah. In a letter to the Central Bank of Iran, Mohammad Qasir, a senior Hezbollah operative, and a Syrian associate confirmed obtaining $63 million from the scheme for Hezbollah.[436]
Hezbollah had a multifaceted relationship with Syria. During the Syrian occupation of Lebanon in the 1980s, Hezbollah clashed with Syrian forces and with the Shia group Amal, which was backed by Damascus.[437] After Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005, Hezbollah viewed its relationship with Syria as essential to its resistance against Israel. Hezbollah’s intervention in the Syrian civil war in 2013 strengthened its position vis-à-vis the Assad regime, which it leveraged to pursue political and security objectives in Syria, including efforts to establish cells in the Golan Heights.[438]
In December 2024, the fall of the Assad regime disrupted most of Hezbollah’s support channels in Syria. According to a senior fellow at Council on Foreign Relations, the loss of this route hindered the group’s ability to replenish its missile stockpiles and maintain its military infrastructure in Lebanon.[439] It also cut off access to the wartime economy, which had supplemented Hezbollah’s finances through smuggling and cross-border trade.[440] Israeli strikes on Iranian missile facilities in Damascus further degraded the group’s military capacity. The new Syrian leadership, aligned with Sunni Islamist factions, blocked Iranian materiel transfers.[441] A senior Hezbollah official, Ali Fayyad, acknowledged that Assad’s fall represented a “major strategic loss,” both materially and politically. This development significantly weakened Hezbollah’s ability to act as Iran’s frontline deterrent against Israel.[442]
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