Main Tabs Group
Vertical Tabs
JNIM is a Salafi-Jihadist organization that seeks to replace established state authority with a conservative interpretation of Islamic law.[35] The group’s goals and ideological basis are closely aligned with those of AQIM, and it seeks to build up a Salafi-Islamist state while restoring the caliphate. The merger of various AQ affiliates into the JNIM was consistent with AQ’s new operational focus on “unity” as a means to fully and effectively implement Shariah law in areas where the jihadists previously had not possessed complete control. In some JNIM-controlled areas of central Mali, the organization has demanded that civilians accept jihadist governance, relocate to non-jihadist zones, or face violence.[36] In a video announcement, the new JNIM leaders declared their intent to stand united against the Crusader’s enemy.[37] Ghali has stated that JNIM’s military strategy is to expand its presence over larger territory and train militants against JNIM’s enemies while preserving relations with local communities.[38]
JNIM has no known political activities.
Despite regional variations, JNIM has a fairly consistent tactical strategy, according to ACLED (Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project), which has been crucial to its expansion throughout the region. JNIM’s tactics can be broadly classified into two categories: direct confrontation with adversaries and economic warfare.[39]
In terms of direct combat, JNIM has previously targeted the Malian army, UN forces, locations popular with Westerners, and French counter-terrorism forces, declared to be JNIM’s historic enemy.[40] Ghali has publicly announced JNIM’s list of “enemy” countries, which includes countries in the African and American continents and Europe: US, Germany, France, Netherlands, Sweden, Chad, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Niger.[41] The group employs suicide bombings, burns vehicles, holds hostages, and engages in gun battles. JNIM was responsible for an attack on a resort outside Bamako and strikes on the French embassy and army headquarters in Burkina Faso’s capital. In response to the formation of the G5 Sahel to coordinate regional anti-terror efforts, JNIM launched the first attack on the G5 Sahel’s Malian headquarters.[42]
JNIM employs several tactics to keep a high operational tempo. In the central Sahel region, JNIM uses a wide range of violence, including targeted assassinations, complex attacks, and large-scale military campaigns.[43] In March 2018, the group released a high-quality video highlighting the extent of its activities, the strength of its training camps, and paying tribute to its leaders. JNIM has also become involved in communal clashes among local ethnic groups. JNIM militants fought on the side of the Fulanis in a conflict with the Bambaras, in central Mali. The group claimed the Malian army supported the Bambaras’ military efforts.[44] In terms of economic warfare, JNIM relies on Illicit economies to finance its activities. Illicit economies enable JNIM to find local sources of revenue, which the group relies on more as it moves further away from its core in northern Mali.[45]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
March 5, 2017: Days after its founding, JNIM attacked a Boulikessi military base in central Mali, close to the Burkina Faso border. JNIM militants killed 11 Malian soldiers, burned vehicles, and stole arms (11 killed, unknown wounded).[46]
March 2017: JNIM fighters were involved in communal clashes between the Fulanis and Bambaras in central Mali. JNIM attacked Bambara farmers, claiming the group’s militia was backed by the Malian army (unknown casualties).[47]
June 20, 2017: JNIM attacked a resort popular with Westerners outside Bamako, Mali, taking hostages. Malian security forces, alongside French and UN forces, rescued the hostages (5 killed, unknown wounded).[48]
March 2, 2018: JNIM claimed responsibility for an attack on the French embassy and Burkinabe army headquarters in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso (8 killed, 80 wounded).[49]
April 14, 2018: JNIM launched a complex but largely unsuccessful assault on the Timbuktu airport. JNIM sent four suicide car bombs hidden in UN vehicles into the airport and engaged in a gun battle with French and UN soldiers; one UN peacekeeper and at least 15 jihadists were killed (16+ killed, 17 wounded).[50]
June 30, 2018: JNIM claimed responsibility for a suicide bombing of the Malian headquarters of the G5 Sahel Joint Force, an international anti-terror task force. Two soldiers and a civilian were killed (4 killed, unknown wounded).[51]
January 20, 2019: JNIM carried out a complex attack on a MINUSMA base near Aguelhok in the Kidal region (10 UN peacekeepers killed, 25 wounded).[52]
June 9, 2019: JNIM attacked the Christian town of Sobane Da in the Mopti Region (35+ killed, unknown wounded).[53]
September 3, 2019: JNIM launched an IED attack on a civilian bus in Mopti. They later issued an apology, expressing regret for the deaths of “our brothers and sons” and stating that the IED was intended for the “French occupier and its acolytes.” (14 killed, 24 wounded).[54]
September 30, 2019: JNIM claimed responsibility for attacks on a FAMa post in Mondoro and a joint FAMa-G5 Sahel Joint Force base in Boulkessi. According to the mid-October reports from the Malian government, these attacks resulted in 38+ killed, 17 wounded, and 27+ missing personnel. JNIM claimed they killed 85 soldiers.[55]
March 19, 2020: JNIM launched a small-arms attack on the Malian army base in Tarkint, Mali (29+ killed, 5 wounded).[56]
July 22, 2022: JNIM carried out a small-arms attack on a military garrison near Bamako, where the transition President and other army officers reside, destroying several vehicles (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[57]
February 25, 2023: Militants from JNIM massacred “dozens” of civilians attending morning prayer at a mosque in Gourma province and simultaneously attacked a military base in the same town (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[58]
January 21, 2023 – December 15, 2023: JNIM has carried out at least eight attacks in southeastern Burkina Faso’s Gourma province. This matches the group’s previous peak rates over the past year in July and November 2023 (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[59]
January 27, 2024: Human Rights Watch reported that JNIM carried out two attacks on the villages of Ogota and Ouémbé, Mopti region in central Mali. According to the witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, JNIM targeted Ogota, which is mainly inhabited by ethnic Dogon, in retaliation for the presence of Dan Na Ambassagou militia nearby. The attacks resulted in at least 32 civilian deaths and the destruction of 350 homes (13+ killed, abducted 24 civilians, unknown wounded).[60]
June 11, 2024: JNIM claimed responsibility for the attack that killed more than 100 Burkina Faso soldiers in the Mansila area near the border with Niger (100+ killed, unknown wounded).[61]
August 24, 2024: JNIM claimed responsibility for an attack in central Burkina Faso. The attack took place in the region of Barsalogho, about 40km (25 miles) north of the strategic town of Kaya, which analysts said is home to the last standing force protecting the capital, Ouagadougou (~200 killed, >140 wounded).[62]
Vertical Tabs
JNIM has been working to cultivate a reputation as a “big tent” alliance to attract members from various ethnic and local community backgrounds. It frequently made appeals to a variety of ethnic constituencies through its media efforts, including Tuareg, Arab, Fulani, Songhai, and Bambara communities. This is partially reflected in JNIM’s decision to include the languages of different ethnic groups in its media outputs, which furthers the group’s narrative as an inclusive armed group that advocates for widespread community support. Additionally, by selecting leaders with ties to local areas of operation – such as representatives from the Tuareg, Fulani, and Arab communities – JNIM has been able to localize fighting and cultivate influence across a wide range of ethnically diverse territories.[65]
However, JNIM has also been involved in communal clashes among local ethnic groups in Mali. The largely pastoral Fulani community has clashed with the Bambaras, a Malian ethnic group, due to rising economic pressures since 2015. Many of the MLF fighters in JNIM are ethnic Fulanis; accordingly, the group fought on the side of the Fulanis in a conflict with the Bambaras group in central Mali. JNIM claimed the Malian army supported the Bambaras’ military efforts.[66]
As JNIM expands into southern Mali, the group now controls sizable areas in central Mali’s Mopti, Segou, and Timbuktu regions responds to grievances against the loggers, which often result in the killing of non-compliant bandits. According to the ACLED analysts, JNIM’s response to these grievances aims to build relationships with local communities seeking protection.[67]
JNIM was formed through the merger of AQIM’s Sahara branch, Al Mourabitoun, Ansar Dine, and the Macina Liberation Front (MLF) into a unified militant alliance under a single emir. In the video announcing the group’s formation, JNIM emir Ghali pledged allegiance to Abdelmalek Droukdel, the emir of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ayman al Zawahiri, the emir of Al Qaeda (AQ), and Mullah Haibatullah, emir of the Afghan Taliban. JNIM reportedly operates under a hierarchical militant structure in which AQIM provides directions, strategic guidance, and resources to the allied militant groups.[68] While conforming to JNIM’s strategy, Al Mourabitoun allegedly remains operationally autonomous from the larger group, under the leadership of Sanhaji.[69] Initially, the JNIM collaborated with the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS). Operational coordination between JNIM and ISGS started in November 2017.[70] For example, while ISGS took responsibility for the May 2019 ambush in Tongo Tongo, Niger, which resulted in the deaths of several Nigerien and U.S. soldiers, a local JNIM commander allegedly provided extra fighters for the assault and received a share of the captured loot. This unique "Sahelian exception" to typical conflicts between al Qaeda and Islamic State branches ended in the summer of 2019, as ideological clashes and divisive defections led to renewed hostilities. CSIS estimated that 731 JNIM and ISGS fighters were killed during the clashes between the two groups in 2019 and 2020. CSIS analysts anticipate ongoing local conflicts between JNIM and ISGS.[71] The CSIS analysts suggest that given the intensity of these conflicts, the JNIM-ISGS coordination is not likely to resume in the way seen before.[72]
Additionally, as an Al-Aq'ida (AQ) affiliate, JNIM has a strong rivalry with the Islamic State (IS) branches operating in North Africa and the Sahel region. The formation of JNIM coincided with IS’s loss of territory in Iraq and Syria and the weakening of its regional offshoots, indicating AQ’s strategy of taking advantage of IS’s weakness through JNIM.[73] IS’s recruitment of youth militants, particularly from Tunisia and Morocco, in addition to its aggressive use of social media for recruitment and propaganda purposes, challenges the dominance of AQ and its affiliates in North Africa.[74]
JNIM pledged allegiance to AQ emir Zawahiri and AQIM emir Droukdel in March 2017. The group draws much of its strategic direction from AQIM, AQ, and possibly the Taliban, at large.[75]
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